Egyptians are now in a state of absolute confusion and are in complete disarray. Disorientation is more palpable than ever; polity is in mess and a revolution that sought to ensure bread, freedom and social justice for all is as good as dead. The country today is overwhelmingly re-united and re-ignited once again in its hatred for the present political dispensation — Muslim Brotherhood. In popular perception, President Mohamed Mursi has betrayed Egypt's hope.
Blinded by their hatred for Mursi and Muslim Brotherhood the opposition is today increasingly allying with Mubarak-era forces offering opportunities to yesterday's thugs and remnants to reoccupy the centre stage. This propensity has added to the national volatility of Egypt. Situation is fast deteriorating creating a dangerous polarisation which is sure not to augur well for the country.
Ihsan Bal, head of USAK Science Committee, perceives the situation rather aptly. Egypt's secularists believe that they would lose in an open contest with the political dispensation in power today and are therefore seeking something "a bit better than bad" a ready-made short cut, reminiscent of the dichotomy between the mosque and the barracks which at one time existed in Turkey.
More specifically, feels Bal, the liberal and leftist groups known as Egypt's secularists do not trust the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafists trying to take over positions of power from the old masters of the regime. This distrust has gone so far that the secular elite is even ready to cooperate with undemocratic forces for the overthrow of the new leaders in power. Perhaps a new alliance has even been established inside this framework.
Evidently, the secularists' fears are apparently unfounded and are as irrational as their behaviour. This "is the plain fact of the matter. It is obvious that making a deal with the remnants of the old regime will not offer Egypt a better opportunity for democracy than the people about whom they are complaining — Mursi and his associates."
If the opposition is pushing Egypt towards a perilous precipice Mursi and his government cannot exonerate themselves of their culpability either. The president had been trying to appease too many masters and most prominent of them are the radical Salafist forces that refuse to recognise Muslim Brotherhood as Islamic.
And in his desperation to win over the confidence of sundry Salafists Mursi has allowed unrestricted growth of demagogy in sharp contravention of the fundamentals of the revolution Muslim Brotherhood hijacked with impunity.
Ahdaf Soueif, an Egyptian short story writer, novelist and political and cultural commentator, observed that the demands of the revolution were clear: bread, freedom, social justice.
Concerning "freedom", Mursi has refused to restructure the state's security apparatus; he appointed as interior minister the man who'd been Cairo's police chief in 2011 when protesters were massacred in the city's streets. People continue to be killed in jail and in police stations across the country.
To the dismay of most Egyptians, Mursi has thrown the "bait that's the staple of every demagogue preacher: we'll clean up society, we'll rule through the word of God. We will write the constitution and anyone who rejects it is against the word of God. And so to escape briefly from fulfilling promises of "freedom" and "social justice" the president invests himself with extraordinary powers to push through a referendum on a deeply flawed constitution."
And we cannot but agree with Ahdaf on the fact that if the revolution today says that Mursi has lost legitimacy, it is because his frail majority was born of sections of the revolution voting for him in order to keep out the military and the old regime. He has now betrayed them, and he now has blood on his hands.
The best minds in the Brotherhood have been steadily leaving the organisation as its non-inclusive policies have become more apparent, and as the degree of falsification and the number of volte-faces they make have become hard to stomach.
The war for Egypt is certain to be long and gory. With the polity turning complex with each passing day Egypt's transition to democracy is getting more and more uncertain. External interferences by those who fear that "a successful Egypt may restrict their regional colonial or expansionist ambitions, or would encourage their own people to revolt" are adding to the instability.
This was not what the Egyptians revolted for. And therefore, it is time now for Egyptians to reunite and burst out once again in revolt against those who hijacked their revolution. We, though, are feeling bereaved nurse somewhere deep down in our hearts that the Nile cannot ever stop flowing. And so shall the revolution never die. It may be passing through a turbulent course. The mask from the face of Egypt's new rulers must now be torn down.
Egypt's revolution has not ended and it must not end the way Muslim Brotherhood and radicals want. The revolution's objective was not only to pull down Hosni Mubarak but to change a system of governance, which had with cynicism trampled the basic rights of common Egyptians; encouraged growth of elitism that has kept common people miles away from participating in any political process; monopolised not only power but also its resources allowing poverty among the teeming millions to assume grinding proportions. For six decades, during which only the faces of the rulers changed, democracy in Egypt suffered worst trampling. Cynicism of the ruling elites thrived caring absolutely nothing for the people over who they lorded.
Or else sacrifice of 1,200 young lives shall go wasted. And if so happens history shall never condone the Egyptians and posterity shall demand explanation from their peers for every single soul that was killed to change Egypt.